是 ___

在客观规律面前，人的主观能动性表现在___

事物的联系和运动之间的关系___

唯物辩证法的总特征是___

___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

封闭式高压配电设备( )应装设带电显示装置。

柱上断路器应有分、合位置的( )指示。

封闭式组合电器引出电缆备用孔或母线的终端备用孔应用( )封闭。

待用间隔(已接上母线的备用间隔)应有( )，并纳入调度控制中心管辖范围。其隔离开关(刀闸)操作手柄、网门应能加锁。

高压手车开关拉出后，( )应可靠封闭。

作业现场的( )和安全设施等应符合有关标准、规范的要求，作业人员的劳动防护用品应合格、齐备。

作业现场的生产条件和安全设施等应符合有关标准、规范的要求，作业人员的( )应合格、齐备。

经常有人工作的场所及施工车辆上宜配备急救箱，存放( )，并应指定专人经常检查、补充或更换。

地下配电站过道和楼梯处，应设( )和应急照明等。

装有SF6设备的配电站，应装设强力通风装置，风口应设置在( )，其电源开关应装设在门外。

配电站、开闭所户内高压配电设备的裸露导电部分对地高度小于( )时，该裸露部分底部和两侧应装设护网。

配电站、开闭所户外10kV高压配电线路、设备所在场所的行车通道上，车辆(包括装载物)外廓至无遮栏带电部分之间的安全距离为( )。

配电站、开闭所户外20kV高压配电线路、设备所在场所的行车通道上，车辆(包括装载物)外廓至无遮栏带电部分之间的安全距离为( )。

凡装有攀登装置的杆、塔，攀登装置上应设置( )标示牌。

装设于( )的配电变压器应设有安全围栏，并悬挂“止步，高压危险！”等标示牌。

装设于地面的配电变压器应设有安全围栏，并悬挂( )等标示牌。

检修作业，若需将栏杆拆除时，应装设( )，并在检修作业结束时立即将栏杆装回。

检修作业临时遮栏应由上、下两道横杆及栏杆柱组成。上杆离地高度为( )，下杆离地高度为500～600mm，并在栏杆下边设置严密固定的高度不低于180mm的挡脚板。

现场勘察工作，对涉及( )的作业项目，应由项目主管部门、单位组织相关人员共同参与。

开工前，工作负责人或工作票签发人应重新核对现场勘察情况，发现与原勘察情况有变化时，应及时修正、完善相应的( )。

配电工作，需要将高压线路、设备停电或做安全措施者，应填用( )。

10kV及以下高压线路、设备不停电时的安全距离为( )。

非连续进行的故障修复工作，应使用( )。

工作票票面上若有个别( )需要修改、补充时，应使用规范的符号，字迹应清楚。

由工作班组现场操作时，若不填用操作票，应将设备的双重名称，( )及操作内容等按操作顺序填写在工作票上。

配电工作票由设备运维管理单位签发，也可由经设备运维管理单位审核合格且经批准的( )签发。

供电单位或施工单位到用户工程或设备上检修(施工)时，工作票应由有权签发的( )签发。

同一电压等级、同类型、相同安全措施且依次进行的( )上的不停电工作，可使用一张配电第二种工作票。

配电带电作业工作票，对( )且依次进行的数条线路上的带电作业，可使用一张配电带电作业工作票。

工作许可时，工作票一份由工作负责人收执，其余留存于( )处。

工作期间，工作票应始终保留在( )手中。

若一张工作票下设多个小组工作，工作负责人应指定每个小组的小组负责人(监护人)，并使用( )。

若一张工作票下设多个小组工作，( )应指定每个小组的小组负责人(监护人)，并使用工作任务单(见附录G)。

工作任务单一式两份，由工作票签发人或工作负责人签发，一份由( )留存，一份交小组负责人。

工作任务单由( )许可，一份由工作负责人留存，一份交小组负责人。

工作结束后，由小组负责人向( )办理工作结束手续。

一回线路检修(施工)，邻近或交叉的其他电力线路需配合停电和接地时，应在工作票中列入( )。

一回线路检修(施工)，若配合停电线路属于其他单位，应由( )单位事先书面申请，经配合停电线路的运维管理单位同意并实施停电、验电、接地。

需要进入变电站或发电厂升压站进行架空线路、电缆等工作时，应增填工作票份数(按许可单位确定数量)，分别经( )许可，并留存。

检修(施工)单位的工作票签发人和工作负责人名单应事先送( )备案。