辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。

下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。

___是人才素质的基本内容

10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想

衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___

独立生活意识指___

___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓，解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。

___是人才素质的综合体现.

人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___

人生观的核心是___

人的本质属性是___

社会主义社会人生价值标准是___

回答人为什么活着___

表明人应当怎样对待生活___

判别什么样的人生才有意义___

下列人生态度中正确的是___

下列属于正确的人生目的的是___

___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.

准备项目收尾时，项目经理整理了整个项目生命周期中持续记录的经验教训。随后项目经理安排项目相关方会议，继续收尾项目。为准备这次会议，项目经理应查看哪些内容？

一些内部相关方向项目经理抱怨因为他们没有收到所需的项目更新，所以他们无法正确执行任务，项目经理首先应该怎么做？

一位具有独特和关键技能的主题专家(SME)不愿接受项目经理的指令，项目经理首先应该怎么做？

在项目执行两年后，项目经理确信项目范围将按照承诺交付，项目团队按计划工作，所有问题都得到迅速解决，在完成日期前两个月，首席执行官命令执行一项范围变更，项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理正在执行一个项目，该项目中包含简短的任务以及技能非常熟练的人员，在测试阶段，项目经理注意到很高的失败率和许多缺陷，若要避免这个问题，项目经理应该事先做什么？

一位新项目发起人习惯性地错过每周一次的状态会议，并经常找职能经理讨论项目的状态，定期向其发送会议纪要，但似乎一直未读，项目经理下一步应该怎么做？

最新项目报告显示进度绩效指数(SPI)为 1.1,成本绩效指数(CPI)为 0.9.项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理了解到， 由于生产过程不稳定， 产品的拒收率很高， 哪个工具或技术可以帮助项目经理快速分析并确定纠正措施？

一个正在进行的项目涉及开发新的消费产品。作为项目相关方的市场营销经理要求新的产品功能来提高市场份额。项目经理应该怎么做？

一个具有多元文化的项目团队分布在不同的地理位置， 这会带来挑战，因为密切沟通对团队的成功绩效非常关键，若要最大限度地减少团队的错误沟通，项目经理应该怎么做？

项目发起人要求项目经理确保在预算范围内支付产品， 项目经理应使用什么技术？

在执行一个新产品开发项目期间， 一位关键相关方要求添加一项功能， 项目经理下一步应该怎么做？

项目经理在项目中途被替换了。新项目经理在之前的项目中遇到一些未发现风险的问题，希望确保所有关键人员均参与风险识别，项目经理应该参考哪一份文件？

新聘用的项目经理加入一个正在进行的项目， 而该项目已经落后于进度， 在规划阶段未考虑到几个时间制约因素， 并且批准的基准进度计划具有不灵活的完工期限， 项目经理首先应该怎么做？

一个已识别到的风险发生了，从而触发一个次生的已经识别风险，项目经理首先应该怎么做？

一个软件开发项目的截止日期即将来临，只有在产品通过质量控制测试之后才能交付产品，但是由于与质量控制团队的关系不佳，开发人员反对测试。项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理正在为相关方准备项目收尾演示，一位相关方曾有拒绝签署项目收尾的历史，在演示之前，项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理正在领导一个复杂的跨文化项目，该项目有 600 多名团队成员，分布在不同的国家，来自其中一个国家的一些成员无法理解每日站会电话会议期间发生的情况，项目经理应该怎么做？

在监督项目进度的同时，项目经理发现第一阶段里程碑将超过进度计划的期限并延续到第二阶段开始。但是，在达到第一阶段里程碑并提交其结果之前，无法开始第二阶段，若要满足第一阶段的时间表并交付预期的结果，项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理签订了一份合同， 领导一个供应商团队， 执行全国性的系统实施项目。项目启动后，合同签订组织宣布对系统进行变更，因为另一个独立供应商团队完成了额外工作，这导致合同发生变化，项目经理应如何处理这些变化？

一个户外音乐会项目定于 8 月份在一个以那时天气干燥而闻名的国家举行，这个国家的这个月份已经有 20 多年没有降雨过，因此风险登记册未将其列为一个风险，目前，该项目的进度绩效指数(SPI)为 1.3,成本绩效指数(CPI)为 0.9,而且现在开始下雨，进度必须停止，项目经理应该怎么做？

收到项目发起人批准项目章程后，项目经理安排召开项目启动大会，但是，七位关键相关方中有四位没有参加这次会议，项目经理应该怎么做？

相关方表示非常担心某一非集中办公团队对项目期望和指示的理解，因为有之前与该团队合作导致返工的经历，项目经理应该采用什么样的沟通方法来解决这个问题？

由于个人原因，工程团队的一位关键成员将在 10 天内无法工作，这会影响项目进度和交付承诺。项目经理应该怎么做？

在执行一个大型软件实施项目期间，服务器管理团队必须设置解决方案的基础架构。但是，该团队需要比预期更长的时间来完成工作，这延长了整个项目进度。因此，最初分配给项目的开发人员不可用。项目经理应该怎么做？

一家公司计划改进其计算机系统，为其客户提供增值功能。项目经理需要从位于全球各地的大量员工那里收集需求，并且需要快速周转。项目经理应该怎么做？

准备验收文件时， 项目经理意识到未能包含两个功能。开发人员表示，虽然这些功能不完整，但客户不会注意到。公司需要为该开发项目开具发票并收取付款，以支付未来六个月的工资。项目经理应该怎么做？

项目经理正在管理一个交付日期非常紧张的关键项目。由于某些团队成员位于其他国家/地区， 因此项目经理希望确保明确定义角色、职责和工作日历。项目经理应该参考哪一个过程？

项目组正在创建一个新项目的风险登记册。首先必须完成什么任务？

客户通知项目经理将在施工现场举行新闻发布会，这可能会导致额外的项目资金。由于将有电视直播，现场必须在活动期间保持干净和安静。项目经理审查项目管理计划，但没有找到关于此事件的参考。项目经理首先应该怎么做？

项目发起人、提供资金的相关方和客户一起共同开展效益分析，发起人继续完成商业论证并制定项目章程。然而，发起人未咨询其他关键相关方的意见，包括主要政府监管机构。若要尽可能减少风险，项目经理应该怎么做？

在项目执行期间，一位高绩效团队成员离职。在此损失之后，进行了计划的质量审计，表明工作产品质量标准未达到。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？

项目经理正在准备一份定期状态报告，这时营销高管告知他们竞争对手推出了令人兴奋的新功能。该高管表示，营销部门在项目可交付成果的初始版本中需要这一新功能。项目经理应该怎么做？

一个项目正处于在客户工厂的最终测试和验收阶段。若要满足项目期限，项目经理应使用什么工具或技术？

产品不符合规范。一名项目相关方要求更换产品并纠正生产过程。若要确定这个失败的类型和成本，应使用“计划质量管理”过程中的哪个工具或技术？

项目经理办公室(PMO)分配一名项目经理管理一个新项目。该项目经理过去曾成功管理类似项目。项目经理首先应该做什么？

项目经理已经准备好开始执行多个项目，但可用资源不足。项目经理应该怎么做？

一个新项目即将开始， 但两位关键相关方对可交付成果的看法相互矛盾。项目经理应该怎么做？

任务 B 依赖于任务 A,而任务 A 延迟了。任务 B 的资源可用性有限，必须按时开始任务 B。 项目经理应该如何重新安排进度计划以使最终期限保持不变？

飞行安全相关方启动了一个项目，以制定解决方案，防止飞机降落在错误的跑道上。这些相关方正专注于一个针对大型航空公司的解决方案。尽管是私人飞行员(而非商业飞行员)要为 90％以上的错误跑道事件负责。若要确保有效解决这个问题并提供预期的效益，项目经理可以怎么做？